JANUARY 03, 2012
Where the Relief Money Did and Did Not Go
Haiti After the Quake
by BILL QUIGLEY and AMBER RAMANAUSKAS
Haiti, a close neighbor of the US with over nine million people, was devastated by earthquake on January 12, 2010. Hundreds of thousands were killed and many more wounded.
The UN estimated international donors gave Haiti over $1.6 billion in relief aid since the earthquake (about $155 per Haitian) and over $2 billion in recovery aid (about $173 per Haitian) over the last two years.
Yet Haiti looks like the earthquake happened two months ago, not two years. Over half a million people remain homeless in hundreds of informal camps, most of the tons of debris from destroyed buildings still lays where it fell, and cholera, a preventable disease, was introduced into the country and is now an epidemic killing thousands and sickening hundreds of thousands more.
It turns out that almost none of the money that the general public thought was going to Haiti actually went directly to Haiti. The international community chose to bypass the Haitian people, Haitian non-governmental organizations and the government of Haiti. Funds were instead diverted to other governments, international NGOs, and private companies.
Despite this near total lack of control of the money by Haitians, if history is an indication, it is quite likely that the failures will ultimately be blamed on the Haitians themselves in a “blame the victim” reaction.
Haitians ask the same question as many around the world “Where did the money go?”
Here are seven places where the earthquake money did and did not go.
One. The largest single recipient of US earthquake money was the US government. The same holds true for donations by other countries.
Right after the earthquake, the US allocated $379 million in aid and sent in 5000 troops. The Associated Press discovered that of the $379 million in initial US money promised for Haiti, most was not really money going directly, or in some cases even indirectly, to Haiti. They documented in January 2010 that thirty three cents of each of these US dollars for Haiti was actually given directly back to the US to reimburse ourselves for sending in our military. Forty two cents of each dollar went to private and public non-governmental organizations like Save the Children, the UN World Food Program and the Pan American Health Organization. Hardly any went directly to Haitians or their government.
The overall $1.6 billion allocated for relief by the US was spent much the same way according to an August 2010 report by the US Congressional Research Office: $655 million was reimbursed to the Department of Defense; $220 million to Department of Health and Human Services to provide grants to individual US states to cover services for Haitian evacuees; $350 million to USAID disaster assistance; $150 million to the US Department of Agriculture for emergency food assistance; $15 million to the Department of Homeland Security for immigration fees, and so on.
International assistance followed the same pattern. The UN Special Envoy for Haiti reported that of the $2.4 billion in humanitarian funding, 34 percent was provided back to the donor’s own civil and military entities for disaster response, 28 percent was given to UN agencies and non-governmental agencies (NGOs) for specific UN projects, 26 percent was given to private contractors and other NGOs, 6 percent was provided as in-kind services to recipients, 5 percent to the international and national Red Cross societies, 1 percent was provided to the government of Haiti, four tenths of one percent of the funds went to Haitian NGOs.
Two. Only 1 percent of the money went to the Haitian government.
Less than a penny of each dollar of US aid went to the government of Haiti, according to the Associated Press. The same is true with other international donors. The Haitian government was completely bypassed in the relief effort by the US and the international community.
Three. Extremely little went to Haitian companies or Haitian non-governmental organizations.
The Center for Economic and Policy Research, the absolute best source for accurate information on this issue, analyzed all the 1490 contracts awarded by the US government after the January 2010 earthquake until April 2011 and found only 23 contracts went to Haitian companies. Overall the US had awarded $194 million to contractors, $4.8 million to the 23 Haitian companies, about 2.5 percent of the total. On the other hand, contractors from the Washington DC area received $76 million or 39.4 percent of the total. As noted above, the UN documented that only four tenths of one percent of international aid went to Haitian NGOs.
In fact Haitians had a hard time even getting into international aid meetings. Refugees International reported that locals were having a hard time even getting access to the international aid operational meetings inside the UN compound. “Haitian groups are either unaware of the meetings, do not have proper photo-ID passes for entry, or do not have the staff capacity to spend long hours at the compound.” Others reported that most of these international aid coordination meetings were not even being translated into Creole, the language of the majority of the people of Haiti!
Four. A large percentage of the money went to international aid agencies, and big well connected non-governmental organizations (NGOs).
The American Red Cross received over $486 million in donations for Haiti. It says two-thirds of the money has been contracted to relief and recovery efforts, though specific details are difficult to come by. The CEO of American Red Cross has a salary of over $500,000 per year.
Look at the $8.6 million joint contract between the US Agency for International Development (USAID) with the private company CHF for debris removal in Port au Prince. CHF is politically well-connected international development company with annual budget of over $200 million whose CEO was paid $451,813 in 2009. CHF’s connection to Republicans and Democrats is illustrated by its board secretary, Lauri Fitz-Pegado, a partner with the Livingston Group LLC. The Livingston Group is headed by the former Republican Speaker-designate for the 106th Congress, Bob Livingston, doing lobbying and government relations. Ms. Fitz-Pegado, who apparently works the other side of the aisle, was appointed by President Clinton to serve in the Department of Commerce and served as a member of the foreign policy expert advisor team on the Obama for President Campaign. CHF “works in Haiti out of two spacious mansions in Port au Prince and maintains a fleet of brand new vehicles” according to Rolling Stone.
Rolling Stone, in an excellent article by Janet Reitman, reported on another earthquake contract, a $1.5 million contract to the NY based consulting firm Dalberg Global Development Advisors. The article found Dalberg’s team “had never lived overseas, didn’t have any disaster experience or background in urban planning… never carried out any program activities on the ground…” and only one of them spoke French. USAID reviewed their work and found that “it became clear that these people may not have even gotten out of their SUVs.”
Presidents George W. Bush and Bill Clinton announced a fundraising venture for Haiti on January 16, 2010. As of October 2011, the fund had received $54 million in donations. It has partnered with several Haitian and international organizations. Though most of its work appears to be admirable, it has donated $2 million to the construction of a Haitian $29 million for-profit luxury hotel.
“The NGOs still have something to respond to about their accountability, because there is a lot of cash out there,” according to Nigel Fisher, the UN’s chief humanitarian officer in Haiti. “What about the $1.5 to $2 billion that the Red Cross and NGOs got from ordinary people, and matched by governments? What’s happened to that? And that’s where it’s very difficult to trace those funds.”
Five. Some money went to for profit companies whose business is disasters.
Less than a month after the quake hit, the US Ambassador Kenneth Merten sent a cable titled “THE GOLD RUSH IS ON” as part of his situation report to Washington. In this February 1, 2010 document, made public by The Nation, Haiti Liberte and Wikileaks, Ambassador Merten reported the President of Haiti met with former General Wesley Clark for a sales presentation for a Miami-based company that builds foam core houses.
Capitalizing on the disaster, Lewis Lucke, a high ranking USAID relief coordinator, met twice in his USAID capacity with the Haitian Prime Minister immediately after the quake. He then quit the agency and was hired for $30,000 a month by a Florida corporation Ashbritt (known already for its big no bid Katrina grants) and a prosperous Haitian partner to lobby for disaster contracts. Locke said “it became clear to us that if it was handled correctly the earthquake represented as much an opportunity as it did a calamity…” Ashbritt and its Haitian partner were soon granted a $10 million no bid contract. Lucke said he was instrumental in securing another $10 million contract from the World Bank and another smaller one from CHF International before their relationship ended.
Six. A fair amount of the pledged money has never been actually put up.
The international community decided it was not going to allow the Haiti government to direct the relief and recovery funds and insisted that two institutions be set up to approve plans and spending for the reconstruction funds going to Haiti. The first was the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission (IHRC) and the second is the Haiti Reconstruction Fund (HRF).
In March 2010, UN countries pledged $5.3 billion over two years and a total of $9.9 billion over three years in a conference March 2010. The money was to be deposited with the World Bank and distributed by the IHRC. The IHRC was co-chaired by Bill Clinton and the Haitian Prime Minister. By July 2010, Bill Clinton reported only 10 percent of the pledges had been given to the IHRC.
Seven. A lot of the money which was put up has not yet been spent.
Nearly two years after the quake, less than 1 percent of the $412 million in US funds specifically allocated for infrastructure reconstruction activities in Haiti had been spent by USAID and the US State Department and only 12 percent has even been obligated according to a November 2011 report by the US Government Accountability Office (GAO).
The performance of the two international commissions, the IHRC and the HRF has also been poor. The Miami Herald noted that as of July 2011, the $3.2 billion in projects approved by the IHRC only five had been completed for a total of $84 million. The Interim Haiti Recovery Commission (IHRC), which was severely criticized by Haitians and others from its beginning, has been effectively suspended since its mandate ended at the end of October 2011. The Haiti Reconstruction Fund was set up to work in tandem with the IHRC, so while its partner is suspended, it is not clear how it can move forward.
What to do
The effort so far has not been based a respectful partnership between Haitians and the international community. The actions of the donor countries and the NGOs and international agencies have not been transparent so that Haitians or others can track the money and see how it has been spent. Without transparency and a respectful partnership the Haitian people cannot hold anyone accountable for what has happened in their country. That has to change.
The UN Special Envoy to Haiti suggests the generous instincts of people around the world must be channeled by international actors and institutions in a way that assists in the creation of a “robust public sector and a healthy private sector.” Instead of giving the money to intermediaries, funds should be directed as much as possible to Haitian public and private institutions. A “Haiti First” policy could strengthen public systems, promote accountability, and create jobs and build skills among the Haitian people.
Respect, transparency and accountability are the building blocks for human rights. Haitians deserve to know where the money has gone, what the plans are for the money still left, and to be partners in the decision-making for what is to come.
After all, these are the people who will be solving the problems when the post-earthquake relief money is gone.
Bill Quigley teaches at Loyola University New Orleans, is the Associate Legal Director at the Center for Constitutional Rights and volunteers with the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti. He is a contributor to Hopeless: Barack Obama and the Politics of Illusion, forthcoming from AK Press. Bill can be reached atquigley77@gmail.com.
Amber Ramanauskas is a lawyer and human rights researcher. A more detailed version of this article with full sources is available. Amber can be reached at gintarerama@gmail.com.
Sunday, January 8, 2012
Wednesday, April 6, 2011
Should the West think before clapping?
There is one key question the western world hasn’t attempted to ask yet with regards to the turmoil in northern Africa and the Middle East.
Since the Uprisings started months ago in Tunisia, we have seen citizens in Bahrain, Egypt, Yemen, Libya and Syria rallied on the streets to ask democratic reforms within their respective regimes. Some of these dictatorships have been established for more than 30 years, ruling theses countries like a family business. Therefore, we have seen a positive outcome in the movement in Egypt where the dictator Hosni Mubarak has decided to step down peacefully.
However, in regards to Libya the movement has changed to a revolt against Moammar Kaddafi who has been in Power for more than four decades. There, it has been bloodshed; and many have been killed by the army regime. Protesters who have been asking for democratic reforms then have become rebels to fight an organized army with conventional war ammunitions.
According to Western Journalists, the rebels have been successful by taking over many key cities formerly controlled by the government. However, one key question remains unanswered. Where do the rebels’ ammunitions come from?
We are aware that on March 17 2011, The United Nations has adopted “resolution 1973” which is demanding an immediate ceasefire in Libya, including an end to the current attacks against civilians. More importantly, the Security Council has imposed also a ban on all flights in the country’s airspace with a no-fly zone enforced by NATO to avoid more bloodshed. It’s clear that the NATO’s air support has been big help for the rebels therefore, the ground fights against the regime army is being held by them but who are they?
Let’s reemphasis again the question: how the rebels acquire the ammunitions to be able to sustain a ground fight against a well established army? Who are those rebels? What is the plan to take these weapons off the streets once order is reestablished?
In the 1980’s, the mujahedeen battled the Soviets in Afghanistan with weapons. Anyone then wouldn’t have the decency to look for the provider and how they have been routed to the mujahedeen. It was ok, I presume since the cold war was a big factor during that period. Therefore, later the West has acknowledged that a vacuum has been created within that country which has been filled by extremists, who instigated one of the deadliest attacks in the western world in September, 11 2000.
Of course it is Interesting to watch the fall of all those Tyrants with Oil Money ruling the region like a family business for decades.However,with that Spill Over Effect, demands for democratic changes spreading throughout the Northern Africa to the Arabic Region shouldn’t the West be concerned about the post revolts era?
Pierre Rigaus Charleus
Pierre.r.charleus@gmail.com
Since the Uprisings started months ago in Tunisia, we have seen citizens in Bahrain, Egypt, Yemen, Libya and Syria rallied on the streets to ask democratic reforms within their respective regimes. Some of these dictatorships have been established for more than 30 years, ruling theses countries like a family business. Therefore, we have seen a positive outcome in the movement in Egypt where the dictator Hosni Mubarak has decided to step down peacefully.
However, in regards to Libya the movement has changed to a revolt against Moammar Kaddafi who has been in Power for more than four decades. There, it has been bloodshed; and many have been killed by the army regime. Protesters who have been asking for democratic reforms then have become rebels to fight an organized army with conventional war ammunitions.
According to Western Journalists, the rebels have been successful by taking over many key cities formerly controlled by the government. However, one key question remains unanswered. Where do the rebels’ ammunitions come from?
We are aware that on March 17 2011, The United Nations has adopted “resolution 1973” which is demanding an immediate ceasefire in Libya, including an end to the current attacks against civilians. More importantly, the Security Council has imposed also a ban on all flights in the country’s airspace with a no-fly zone enforced by NATO to avoid more bloodshed. It’s clear that the NATO’s air support has been big help for the rebels therefore, the ground fights against the regime army is being held by them but who are they?
Let’s reemphasis again the question: how the rebels acquire the ammunitions to be able to sustain a ground fight against a well established army? Who are those rebels? What is the plan to take these weapons off the streets once order is reestablished?
In the 1980’s, the mujahedeen battled the Soviets in Afghanistan with weapons. Anyone then wouldn’t have the decency to look for the provider and how they have been routed to the mujahedeen. It was ok, I presume since the cold war was a big factor during that period. Therefore, later the West has acknowledged that a vacuum has been created within that country which has been filled by extremists, who instigated one of the deadliest attacks in the western world in September, 11 2000.
Of course it is Interesting to watch the fall of all those Tyrants with Oil Money ruling the region like a family business for decades.However,with that Spill Over Effect, demands for democratic changes spreading throughout the Northern Africa to the Arabic Region shouldn’t the West be concerned about the post revolts era?
Pierre Rigaus Charleus
Pierre.r.charleus@gmail.com
Tuesday, March 8, 2011
Compétence Politique
Compétence Politique
L’histoire d’un peuple, à partir du moment où il possède des institutions démocratiques, est celle d’une succession de choix.” En effet, la plupart des protagonistes du champ politique considèrent le vote comme l’expression d’un choix. Il est considéré comme “l’énonciation d’une opinion politique”. Recevoir des voix lors d’un vote, c’est, pour un homme politique, recevoir un assentiment, une adhésion à un programme. L’équation un citoyen, une voix, une opinion postule que chaque voix a une égale valeur, ce qui permet au délégué nouvellement élu de compter les voix, de se les approprier, de les agréger en un électorat homogène. L’élu ne peut afficher de légitimité proprement politique que si les électeurs ont effectué leur choix en fonction de critères eux aussi politiques. L’enjeu est donc de taille pour les hommes politiques, et c’est, comme le dit D. Gaxie, “à travers (les) luttes pour l’interprétation des résultats et l’authentification du capital électoral que s’effectue la transmutation des décisions de chaque électeur en opinion politique.” Les citoyens sont donc réputés avoir exprimés dans les urnes des choix politiques, reflets de leurs opinions politiques et de leur adhésion à un programme.
C’est l’intérêt de chacun pour la politique qui pousse à se tenir au courant des enjeux et à former son opinion, exprimée notamment lors des votes. L’Etat moderne et les valeurs démocratiques dont il doit être l’expression supposent donc que tous puissent avoir un égal accès à la politique, que tous aient un intérêt égal et universel pour la politique. Les citoyens sont supposés avoir une certaine compétence politique, qui leur permet d’effectuer des choix en connaissance de cause. Daniel Gaxie définit cette compétence comme l’aptitude à opérer une construction politique de l’espace politique. C’est seulement dans un espace construit, à plusieurs dimensions, que des mesures, des actions peuvent prendre sens, que des acteurs peuvent prendre position. La réalité est souvent cependant bien différente: la politique semble lointaine à une grande majorité de la population, qui n’en attend pas grand chose, ou ne la comprend pas, et conclut que “ce n’est pas son affaire”. L’espace politique est autonome, doté de ses propres règles, de son vocabulaire, peuplé de professionnels, c’est à dire d’agents qui vivent pour et de la politique, mais le nombre de personnes qui y participent est restreint. Lorsque le droit de vote était encore soumis à un critère censitaire, les populations admises à voter étaient considérées comme dotées d’une compétence politique, alors que les masses populaires étaient “inintelligentes”. A-t-il suffi d’ouvrir le droit de vote au plus grand nombre pour qu’instantanément, elles s’ouvrent aux enjeux politiques et prennent une part active et éclairée aux débats? Nous étudierons donc dans un premier temps la manière dont ont été accordées au peuple souveraineté et compétence politique, puis dans un deuxième temps les inégalités sociales actuelles face à la compétence politique
________________________________________________
Élection présidentielle: la percée fulgurante des valeurs dans le débat politique
Le deuxième tour de l'élection présidentielle 2011 prend l'allure d'une lutte entre le temporel et le spirituel, d'une bataille entre le libéralisme et le conservatisme, d'une opposition ouverte entre la morale républicaine et le fondamentalisme religieux. Mirlande Manigat et Michel Martelly deux parcours différents, deux conceptions de la valeur en société.
En lieu et place des injures qui ont libre cours sur nos forums et dans les médias nationaux qui se déclarent ouvertement pour ou contre l'un ou l'autre des deux candidats, en attendant d'avoir des programmes des candidats pour un débat sur les vrais enjeux du pays, le forum Haïti-Nation, garantissant l'expression des idées contraires, vous invite à débattre les sujets fondant les valeurs sur lesquelles les deux camps à l'élection présidentielle s'affrontent jusqu'à présent.
L'insuffisance des droits sociaux et culturels peut-elle hypothéquer l'exercice des droits politiques du citoyen? Discutez.
En quoi la morale républicaine se distingue-t-elle de la morale religieuse dans une société démocratique? Discutez.
L'idée qui fonde la démocratie, c'est la vision géniale que Pascal a exprimée de la distinction des ordres : il y a l'ordre du pouvoir, l'ordre de la religion et l'ordre de la science. Le pouvoir doit garantir la liberté de prier et la liberté de penser dans les deux autres ordres. Mais l'homme n'est libre que si on empêche toute interférence entre ces ordres distincts. Qu'en pensez-vous?
La laïcité détermine un espace public à l'intérieur duquel on ne fait pas intervenir la religion par l'autorité du dogme, et un espace intime, familial, où chaque être humain cultive des convictions, une vision du monde, qu'il ne peut imposer aux autres. Qu'en pensez-vous?
Les débats sur fond de morale religieuse qui alimentent le deuxième tour des élections de 2011 sont-il le prélude d'une remise en question de la laïcité et des valeurs républicaines qui fondent l'éthique publique de responsabilité dans notre société bicentenaire? Qu'en pensez-vous?
Guichard Doré
L’histoire d’un peuple, à partir du moment où il possède des institutions démocratiques, est celle d’une succession de choix.” En effet, la plupart des protagonistes du champ politique considèrent le vote comme l’expression d’un choix. Il est considéré comme “l’énonciation d’une opinion politique”. Recevoir des voix lors d’un vote, c’est, pour un homme politique, recevoir un assentiment, une adhésion à un programme. L’équation un citoyen, une voix, une opinion postule que chaque voix a une égale valeur, ce qui permet au délégué nouvellement élu de compter les voix, de se les approprier, de les agréger en un électorat homogène. L’élu ne peut afficher de légitimité proprement politique que si les électeurs ont effectué leur choix en fonction de critères eux aussi politiques. L’enjeu est donc de taille pour les hommes politiques, et c’est, comme le dit D. Gaxie, “à travers (les) luttes pour l’interprétation des résultats et l’authentification du capital électoral que s’effectue la transmutation des décisions de chaque électeur en opinion politique.” Les citoyens sont donc réputés avoir exprimés dans les urnes des choix politiques, reflets de leurs opinions politiques et de leur adhésion à un programme.
C’est l’intérêt de chacun pour la politique qui pousse à se tenir au courant des enjeux et à former son opinion, exprimée notamment lors des votes. L’Etat moderne et les valeurs démocratiques dont il doit être l’expression supposent donc que tous puissent avoir un égal accès à la politique, que tous aient un intérêt égal et universel pour la politique. Les citoyens sont supposés avoir une certaine compétence politique, qui leur permet d’effectuer des choix en connaissance de cause. Daniel Gaxie définit cette compétence comme l’aptitude à opérer une construction politique de l’espace politique. C’est seulement dans un espace construit, à plusieurs dimensions, que des mesures, des actions peuvent prendre sens, que des acteurs peuvent prendre position. La réalité est souvent cependant bien différente: la politique semble lointaine à une grande majorité de la population, qui n’en attend pas grand chose, ou ne la comprend pas, et conclut que “ce n’est pas son affaire”. L’espace politique est autonome, doté de ses propres règles, de son vocabulaire, peuplé de professionnels, c’est à dire d’agents qui vivent pour et de la politique, mais le nombre de personnes qui y participent est restreint. Lorsque le droit de vote était encore soumis à un critère censitaire, les populations admises à voter étaient considérées comme dotées d’une compétence politique, alors que les masses populaires étaient “inintelligentes”. A-t-il suffi d’ouvrir le droit de vote au plus grand nombre pour qu’instantanément, elles s’ouvrent aux enjeux politiques et prennent une part active et éclairée aux débats? Nous étudierons donc dans un premier temps la manière dont ont été accordées au peuple souveraineté et compétence politique, puis dans un deuxième temps les inégalités sociales actuelles face à la compétence politique
________________________________________________
Élection présidentielle: la percée fulgurante des valeurs dans le débat politique
Le deuxième tour de l'élection présidentielle 2011 prend l'allure d'une lutte entre le temporel et le spirituel, d'une bataille entre le libéralisme et le conservatisme, d'une opposition ouverte entre la morale républicaine et le fondamentalisme religieux. Mirlande Manigat et Michel Martelly deux parcours différents, deux conceptions de la valeur en société.
En lieu et place des injures qui ont libre cours sur nos forums et dans les médias nationaux qui se déclarent ouvertement pour ou contre l'un ou l'autre des deux candidats, en attendant d'avoir des programmes des candidats pour un débat sur les vrais enjeux du pays, le forum Haïti-Nation, garantissant l'expression des idées contraires, vous invite à débattre les sujets fondant les valeurs sur lesquelles les deux camps à l'élection présidentielle s'affrontent jusqu'à présent.
L'insuffisance des droits sociaux et culturels peut-elle hypothéquer l'exercice des droits politiques du citoyen? Discutez.
En quoi la morale républicaine se distingue-t-elle de la morale religieuse dans une société démocratique? Discutez.
L'idée qui fonde la démocratie, c'est la vision géniale que Pascal a exprimée de la distinction des ordres : il y a l'ordre du pouvoir, l'ordre de la religion et l'ordre de la science. Le pouvoir doit garantir la liberté de prier et la liberté de penser dans les deux autres ordres. Mais l'homme n'est libre que si on empêche toute interférence entre ces ordres distincts. Qu'en pensez-vous?
La laïcité détermine un espace public à l'intérieur duquel on ne fait pas intervenir la religion par l'autorité du dogme, et un espace intime, familial, où chaque être humain cultive des convictions, une vision du monde, qu'il ne peut imposer aux autres. Qu'en pensez-vous?
Les débats sur fond de morale religieuse qui alimentent le deuxième tour des élections de 2011 sont-il le prélude d'une remise en question de la laïcité et des valeurs républicaines qui fondent l'éthique publique de responsabilité dans notre société bicentenaire? Qu'en pensez-vous?
Guichard Doré
Wednesday, September 29, 2010
My article echoed new announcement from the haitian foreing minister
Following my article on implementing the haitian diaspora on the reconstruction process in Haiti after the Earthquake, The foreign minister has announced this::
Recourir aux cadres de la diaspora pour pallier le manque de ressources humaines en Haïti : l’idée a souvent été évoquée ces dernières années. Elle a pris une nouvelle actualité après le terrible tremblement de terre du 12 janvier, qui a tué plus de 230 000 personnes. Déjà faible avant le séisme, l’Etat haïtien a perdu des milliers de hauts fonctionnaires. Des administrations entières, comme la direction générale des impôts, ont été décimées. La fuite des cerveaux s’est accentuée après la catastrophe. Parmi les survivants, beaucoup de ceux qui en avaient les moyens sont partis à l’étranger.
Afin de “promouvoir le transfert de compétences“, le ministre des Haïtiens vivant à l’étranger, Edwin Paraison, vient de lancer un “programme de mobilisation de la diaspora“. Toutefois, pour éviter les déconvenues et les frictions du passé, il a préféré démarrer modestement.
Une première phase, financée à hauteur de 500 000 dollars (370 000 euros) par le Programme des Nations unies pour le développement (PNUD) et l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), doit permettre de tester le projet.
M. Paraison espère obtenir de 5 millions à 10 millions de dollars de la Commission intérimaire pour la reconstruction d’Haïti (CIRH) pour financer, sur une période de trois ans, l’embauche de 200 à 300 experts haïtiens expatriés aux Etats-Unis, au Canada, en France et en République dominicaine. Ces quatre pays ont été choisis, car ils abritent les plus fortes concentrations de travailleurs qualifiés haïtiens.
“Nous allons commencer par la fonction publique, mais le secteur privé pourra également bénéficier de ce transfert de compétences, explique le ministre. Chaque ministère et organisme autonome devront définir leurs besoins en ressources humaines. Il ne s’agit pas de rapatriement définitif, mais de renforcer les cadres sur place par des transferts de connaissances sur des périodes allant de six mois à un an.”
Le programme est fondé sur le volontariat, “avec des gratifications comparables à ce que reçoivent les cadres haïtiens et des facilités pour le logement et le transport“, selon M. Paraison. Les consulats haïtiens à Montréal, New York et Miami ont déjà reçu des curriculum vitae de personnes intéressées par le programme, notamment de Haïtiens retraités au Canada.
“Nous souhaitons qu’une certaine priorité soit accordée aux cadres de la diaspora par les organisations non gouvernementales et les organisations internationales présentes en Haïti, lorsqu’elles cherchent à recruter, ajoute Edwin Paraison. Ces candidats ont l’avantage de connaître la langue et la culture.”
Comptant près de 4 millions de personnes dans plus d’une vingtaine de pays, la diaspora est le principal bailleur de fonds des quelque 10 millions de Haïtiens de l’île. “Les transferts de fonds de la diaspora atteignent 2 milliards de dollars (1,47 milliard d’euros) par an, plus du quart du produit intérieur brut, beaucoup plus que la coopération internationale“, rappelle le ministre.
L’exclusion de tous les candidats à la présidence venant de la diaspora, à commencer par le chanteur de rap Wyclef Jean, a relancé la polémique sur les droits politiques des expatriés. Le ministre Paraison a publiquement regretté cette exclusion et demandé une réforme de la Constitution pour garantir la double nationalité et “la participation effective des citoyens haïtiens de la diaspora dans la vie politique de leur pays“, comme électeurs et candidats.
Jean-Michel Caroit/Le Monde
Recourir aux cadres de la diaspora pour pallier le manque de ressources humaines en Haïti : l’idée a souvent été évoquée ces dernières années. Elle a pris une nouvelle actualité après le terrible tremblement de terre du 12 janvier, qui a tué plus de 230 000 personnes. Déjà faible avant le séisme, l’Etat haïtien a perdu des milliers de hauts fonctionnaires. Des administrations entières, comme la direction générale des impôts, ont été décimées. La fuite des cerveaux s’est accentuée après la catastrophe. Parmi les survivants, beaucoup de ceux qui en avaient les moyens sont partis à l’étranger.
Afin de “promouvoir le transfert de compétences“, le ministre des Haïtiens vivant à l’étranger, Edwin Paraison, vient de lancer un “programme de mobilisation de la diaspora“. Toutefois, pour éviter les déconvenues et les frictions du passé, il a préféré démarrer modestement.
Une première phase, financée à hauteur de 500 000 dollars (370 000 euros) par le Programme des Nations unies pour le développement (PNUD) et l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), doit permettre de tester le projet.
M. Paraison espère obtenir de 5 millions à 10 millions de dollars de la Commission intérimaire pour la reconstruction d’Haïti (CIRH) pour financer, sur une période de trois ans, l’embauche de 200 à 300 experts haïtiens expatriés aux Etats-Unis, au Canada, en France et en République dominicaine. Ces quatre pays ont été choisis, car ils abritent les plus fortes concentrations de travailleurs qualifiés haïtiens.
“Nous allons commencer par la fonction publique, mais le secteur privé pourra également bénéficier de ce transfert de compétences, explique le ministre. Chaque ministère et organisme autonome devront définir leurs besoins en ressources humaines. Il ne s’agit pas de rapatriement définitif, mais de renforcer les cadres sur place par des transferts de connaissances sur des périodes allant de six mois à un an.”
Le programme est fondé sur le volontariat, “avec des gratifications comparables à ce que reçoivent les cadres haïtiens et des facilités pour le logement et le transport“, selon M. Paraison. Les consulats haïtiens à Montréal, New York et Miami ont déjà reçu des curriculum vitae de personnes intéressées par le programme, notamment de Haïtiens retraités au Canada.
“Nous souhaitons qu’une certaine priorité soit accordée aux cadres de la diaspora par les organisations non gouvernementales et les organisations internationales présentes en Haïti, lorsqu’elles cherchent à recruter, ajoute Edwin Paraison. Ces candidats ont l’avantage de connaître la langue et la culture.”
Comptant près de 4 millions de personnes dans plus d’une vingtaine de pays, la diaspora est le principal bailleur de fonds des quelque 10 millions de Haïtiens de l’île. “Les transferts de fonds de la diaspora atteignent 2 milliards de dollars (1,47 milliard d’euros) par an, plus du quart du produit intérieur brut, beaucoup plus que la coopération internationale“, rappelle le ministre.
L’exclusion de tous les candidats à la présidence venant de la diaspora, à commencer par le chanteur de rap Wyclef Jean, a relancé la polémique sur les droits politiques des expatriés. Le ministre Paraison a publiquement regretté cette exclusion et demandé une réforme de la Constitution pour garantir la double nationalité et “la participation effective des citoyens haïtiens de la diaspora dans la vie politique de leur pays“, comme électeurs et candidats.
Jean-Michel Caroit/Le Monde
Thursday, August 26, 2010
HAITI AND THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM: Realities, facts and Perspectives - By: Pierre R Charleus
HAITI AND THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM: Realities, facts and Perspectives - By: Pierre R Charleus
On January 12th 2010 Haiti, the poorest country in the western hemisphere, was struck by an earthquake of magnitude 7.0.The damage was devastating. More than 500,000 people were killed and an estimated 300,000 others injured. The unfortunate event has also caused 105,000 homes completely destroyed, more than 208,000 damaged, while 1.3 million people have left the capital, Port au Prince (mostly shattered) to seek shelter elsewhere. According to the Haitian authorities, the total value of the damages and losses are estimated to 7.9 billion US dollars, an equivalent to 120 per cent of Haiti's 2009 GDP according to economists. Since being sovereign from French slavery, this earthquake was the worst disaster in two centuries of this Island. That day, the struggle was watched live on television as the catastrophe continued to unfold. Women and children trapped under rubbles, adults searching for relatives, no electricity. Husbands and wives crying for help, communications systems down. Resiliently, neighbors helping each other, digging out of the rubbles without any sufficient tools, in search of possible survivors. The government officials, including the health care professionals have been trapped with no adequate emergency materials to treat the victims in critical medical condition. At that point, it was clear to the world that the Haitian authorities and the victims were overwhelmed by the scale of the unprecedented episodes, to which also they were incapable to respond immediately. As the international community has started to rush assistances to Haiti in the aftermath of the tragedy, one of my co-workers approached me arguing that, despite the generosity and compassion of the international community vis a vis this country, It [Haiti] will remain the same afterwards. Without a bit of hesitation, I quickly rejected that invalid assertion and also explained objectively that the failures of the international community, towards this nation, are mostly caused by the channels using to attain their end goal.
Therefore, I do strongly believe however other mechanisms should be introduced in perspective to facilitate any eventual stabilization of the political and economical realm of this county in order to prevent future cataclysms.
In that respect, I frame my argument within the core values of Interdependency paradigm through which the international community can use their economic tools in convergence with their instrumentalist institutions such as IMF, World Bank to accomplish durable solutions un Haiti. In fact, as the world has become more integrative, cooperative and less polarizing, relations between nation-states are taking a sharp turn towards inclusiveness.
Although, The International system is no longer viewed as anarchic as proponents of realism theoretical described it where balance of power through military capacities is relevant for security concerns but therefore, depends “on economic liberty, on a sense of hope and possibility at home and abroad”, according to James Traub a preeminent thinker and writer in foreign affairs for the New York Times1. In that regard, Mr. Traub proposes to emphasis a geo-strategic plan that can eliminate potential risks in a specific state and avoid its neighbors being affected directly. In that case, he concludes that “any social, natural and economic destabilization from a nation is a treat to its neighbors”. Over the recent years, Haiti has been shaped by many events that always force either a flow of refugees fleeing the country for political persecutions or seeking economical stabilities in Canada, United States or Dominican Republic. In respect to the current situation in Haiti, we can conclude that Mr. Straub’s conclusion expresses a clear mandate to the developed states to engage in direct and constructive efforts to facilitate failed neighboring states to gain sustainable economic development and political stability.
To implement that objective, cooperation through international institutions constitutes the preferable alternatives.
This venue, greatly explored by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye in their theory of complex interdependence, outlines key points to consider in facilitating bold changes in democracy, human rights and good governance within a failed Nation2. Through instrumentalist Institutions, NGO’s including the civil actors as well,the international community can concentrate their constructive efforts to shape the internal system of Haiti in order to facilitate a continuing development.
To be attained, they would have to engage a convergent process to reinforce its national administrations, establish a progressive and democratic society and also promote an open economic development with of course a disengagement of a corrupted regime.
According to the latest report of the Canadian for International Development Agency (CIDA),3 Haiti is the second country, after Afghanistan that has received more financial support from Canada. However, because of the absence of a sustainable regime and good governance, the “development of that underdeveloped” country, to repeat the expression of Andre Gunter Frank, 4 remains an unachievable task. In the aftermath of the deadly Earthquake, precisely March 31st, the International Community in an emergency meeting at the United Nations, with members such as France, Canada, United States and other international partners have pledged $5.3 billion U.S. dollars for the next two years and $9.9 billion in total for the next three years and beyond to support effort to reconstruct Haiti.
The reconstruction process should be implemented within the core value of the theoretical Interdependence paradigm for numerous factors. First of all, Haiti’s circumstances after the earthquake are similar to conditions of many devastated nations-states after World War l in 1914.To Harmonize Europe then, idealist like US President Woodrow Wilson proposed the creation of today’s United Nations. The League of Nations then, was created with the main objective to help facilitate relation nation-states through collaboration at different levels.
Second, since Haiti is part of the international system, its anarchism and recurrent degradation constitute a gigantic regional and inter-regional threat. Therefore, as Keohane and Nye mentioned, the International Community involvement must be considered to help alleviate its development not “in spite of self interest, but because of self interest:”
However, the achievement of any subsequent plan to create economic stability and social development by any foreign institutions could be facing many obstacles masterminded by proponents of dependency theorists on the ground.
In fact, these neo-Marxists with a nationalist umbrella (faux nationalist) 5often argued that Haiti has never been poor but became impoverished.
That impoverishment has been done in two different levels according to Haitian Neo-Marxist. First, they underlined slavery under which the colonialist exploiter France has occupied the Island in the 17th Century. Second, the incorporation into the world economy through the structuralism /globalization by expansionist “first-world” powers constitute another main reason behind Haiti malignant misery argue Haitian’s neo-marxist. In that regard, Haitian faux nationalist neo-marxist, consider the capitalism and its infusion into the national economy and investment as a form of neo colonialism and rejects its implementation vehemently. In the meantime, political leaders and activists occasionally hijacked the grassroots’ unawareness which they also use to orchestrate their political campaign against what they called capitalist-imperialism in order to meet their political will.
A tangible reference is dated to 1990 when Haiti has experienced its first democratic election supervised then by the United Nations.
Through this election emerged a former priest to the highest office. At that time, former President Jean Bertrand Aristide has campaigned fervently against imperialism.
However, when being ousted by a military coup, he has primarily chosen to take refuge in the United States, which has felicitated also his return to power through a coalition force hugely composed of the United States and Canada in 19946.
To summarize, we can conclude that any qualitative plan to modernize the country after the catastrophic earthquake, would not be an easy assignment for the International Community. Internal political leaders through their usual hypocritical attitudes toward their own citizens will continue to regard International institutions such as IMF, IBRD as modern “tools of imperialism”. Clearly, nevertheless, “the faux nationalists “must not forget that 11 days prior to the earthquake, Haiti has just celebrated its 204 years of being an independent nation. Despite being a free nation, the trend of quality life and economic deprivation never stop digressing.
For example, Haiti has the highest rate than in other countries in the region in maternal and infant mortality, and less than half of its population has access to a decent health care has reported the world Health organization.7
Moreover, less than half of the citizens have access to drinking water, while 30% of children are suffering from chronic malnutrition and 40% of households are living in food insecurity. These data gathered by the WHO prior to the earthquake constitute valid premises to conclude there is an immense threat. That menace also requires an immediate attention in deterrence of any plausible catastrophe in the future with regional consequences. To succeed, the International Community will also depend tremendously in using internal experts who understand the complexities on the grounds. Those professionals with Haitian background, and western education, are scattered across the globe and formed the so-called Haitian Diaspora. Their inclusion into the process will facilitate the path of the development with a rapid growth and sustainability of the country for its future generation.
The alliance of democracy and development needs “not new members but also a new purpose”, stated political pundits. This alliance can no longer be just a protective arm of one around the other ones’ shoulder, it also has to be a way for both to work together to construct a strong international system.
Pierre R.Charleus
York University,Canada.
Pierre.r.charleus@gmail.com
Foot notes 1-James Traub (The Freedom Agenda: Why America Must Spread Democracy (Just Not the Way George Bush Did 2- 1977). Power and Interdependence: World Politics in Transition 3- www.cida.gc.ca key word Haiti-CIDA -funded projects (http://www.acdicida.gc.ca/cidaweb/cpo.nsf/fWebCSAZEn?ReadForm&idx=00&CC=HT) 4-Andre Gunter Frank (The Development of Underdevelopment, 1966, MRP) 5-Faux nationalist (My personal view of Haitian politicians. The Political argument always based on nationalism while most of them carry a double nationality) 6 In 1986 Baby doc Jean C.Duvalier has left Haiti after violent protests ending a 30yrs ruling between himself and his father Papa Doc. 7 Health: A right for all, the challenge of Haiti. Report published by W.H.O in 2002.
On January 12th 2010 Haiti, the poorest country in the western hemisphere, was struck by an earthquake of magnitude 7.0.The damage was devastating. More than 500,000 people were killed and an estimated 300,000 others injured. The unfortunate event has also caused 105,000 homes completely destroyed, more than 208,000 damaged, while 1.3 million people have left the capital, Port au Prince (mostly shattered) to seek shelter elsewhere. According to the Haitian authorities, the total value of the damages and losses are estimated to 7.9 billion US dollars, an equivalent to 120 per cent of Haiti's 2009 GDP according to economists. Since being sovereign from French slavery, this earthquake was the worst disaster in two centuries of this Island. That day, the struggle was watched live on television as the catastrophe continued to unfold. Women and children trapped under rubbles, adults searching for relatives, no electricity. Husbands and wives crying for help, communications systems down. Resiliently, neighbors helping each other, digging out of the rubbles without any sufficient tools, in search of possible survivors. The government officials, including the health care professionals have been trapped with no adequate emergency materials to treat the victims in critical medical condition. At that point, it was clear to the world that the Haitian authorities and the victims were overwhelmed by the scale of the unprecedented episodes, to which also they were incapable to respond immediately. As the international community has started to rush assistances to Haiti in the aftermath of the tragedy, one of my co-workers approached me arguing that, despite the generosity and compassion of the international community vis a vis this country, It [Haiti] will remain the same afterwards. Without a bit of hesitation, I quickly rejected that invalid assertion and also explained objectively that the failures of the international community, towards this nation, are mostly caused by the channels using to attain their end goal.
Therefore, I do strongly believe however other mechanisms should be introduced in perspective to facilitate any eventual stabilization of the political and economical realm of this county in order to prevent future cataclysms.
In that respect, I frame my argument within the core values of Interdependency paradigm through which the international community can use their economic tools in convergence with their instrumentalist institutions such as IMF, World Bank to accomplish durable solutions un Haiti. In fact, as the world has become more integrative, cooperative and less polarizing, relations between nation-states are taking a sharp turn towards inclusiveness.
Although, The International system is no longer viewed as anarchic as proponents of realism theoretical described it where balance of power through military capacities is relevant for security concerns but therefore, depends “on economic liberty, on a sense of hope and possibility at home and abroad”, according to James Traub a preeminent thinker and writer in foreign affairs for the New York Times1. In that regard, Mr. Traub proposes to emphasis a geo-strategic plan that can eliminate potential risks in a specific state and avoid its neighbors being affected directly. In that case, he concludes that “any social, natural and economic destabilization from a nation is a treat to its neighbors”. Over the recent years, Haiti has been shaped by many events that always force either a flow of refugees fleeing the country for political persecutions or seeking economical stabilities in Canada, United States or Dominican Republic. In respect to the current situation in Haiti, we can conclude that Mr. Straub’s conclusion expresses a clear mandate to the developed states to engage in direct and constructive efforts to facilitate failed neighboring states to gain sustainable economic development and political stability.
To implement that objective, cooperation through international institutions constitutes the preferable alternatives.
This venue, greatly explored by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye in their theory of complex interdependence, outlines key points to consider in facilitating bold changes in democracy, human rights and good governance within a failed Nation2. Through instrumentalist Institutions, NGO’s including the civil actors as well,the international community can concentrate their constructive efforts to shape the internal system of Haiti in order to facilitate a continuing development.
To be attained, they would have to engage a convergent process to reinforce its national administrations, establish a progressive and democratic society and also promote an open economic development with of course a disengagement of a corrupted regime.
According to the latest report of the Canadian for International Development Agency (CIDA),3 Haiti is the second country, after Afghanistan that has received more financial support from Canada. However, because of the absence of a sustainable regime and good governance, the “development of that underdeveloped” country, to repeat the expression of Andre Gunter Frank, 4 remains an unachievable task. In the aftermath of the deadly Earthquake, precisely March 31st, the International Community in an emergency meeting at the United Nations, with members such as France, Canada, United States and other international partners have pledged $5.3 billion U.S. dollars for the next two years and $9.9 billion in total for the next three years and beyond to support effort to reconstruct Haiti.
The reconstruction process should be implemented within the core value of the theoretical Interdependence paradigm for numerous factors. First of all, Haiti’s circumstances after the earthquake are similar to conditions of many devastated nations-states after World War l in 1914.To Harmonize Europe then, idealist like US President Woodrow Wilson proposed the creation of today’s United Nations. The League of Nations then, was created with the main objective to help facilitate relation nation-states through collaboration at different levels.
Second, since Haiti is part of the international system, its anarchism and recurrent degradation constitute a gigantic regional and inter-regional threat. Therefore, as Keohane and Nye mentioned, the International Community involvement must be considered to help alleviate its development not “in spite of self interest, but because of self interest:”
However, the achievement of any subsequent plan to create economic stability and social development by any foreign institutions could be facing many obstacles masterminded by proponents of dependency theorists on the ground.
In fact, these neo-Marxists with a nationalist umbrella (faux nationalist) 5often argued that Haiti has never been poor but became impoverished.
That impoverishment has been done in two different levels according to Haitian Neo-Marxist. First, they underlined slavery under which the colonialist exploiter France has occupied the Island in the 17th Century. Second, the incorporation into the world economy through the structuralism /globalization by expansionist “first-world” powers constitute another main reason behind Haiti malignant misery argue Haitian’s neo-marxist. In that regard, Haitian faux nationalist neo-marxist, consider the capitalism and its infusion into the national economy and investment as a form of neo colonialism and rejects its implementation vehemently. In the meantime, political leaders and activists occasionally hijacked the grassroots’ unawareness which they also use to orchestrate their political campaign against what they called capitalist-imperialism in order to meet their political will.
A tangible reference is dated to 1990 when Haiti has experienced its first democratic election supervised then by the United Nations.
Through this election emerged a former priest to the highest office. At that time, former President Jean Bertrand Aristide has campaigned fervently against imperialism.
However, when being ousted by a military coup, he has primarily chosen to take refuge in the United States, which has felicitated also his return to power through a coalition force hugely composed of the United States and Canada in 19946.
To summarize, we can conclude that any qualitative plan to modernize the country after the catastrophic earthquake, would not be an easy assignment for the International Community. Internal political leaders through their usual hypocritical attitudes toward their own citizens will continue to regard International institutions such as IMF, IBRD as modern “tools of imperialism”. Clearly, nevertheless, “the faux nationalists “must not forget that 11 days prior to the earthquake, Haiti has just celebrated its 204 years of being an independent nation. Despite being a free nation, the trend of quality life and economic deprivation never stop digressing.
For example, Haiti has the highest rate than in other countries in the region in maternal and infant mortality, and less than half of its population has access to a decent health care has reported the world Health organization.7
Moreover, less than half of the citizens have access to drinking water, while 30% of children are suffering from chronic malnutrition and 40% of households are living in food insecurity. These data gathered by the WHO prior to the earthquake constitute valid premises to conclude there is an immense threat. That menace also requires an immediate attention in deterrence of any plausible catastrophe in the future with regional consequences. To succeed, the International Community will also depend tremendously in using internal experts who understand the complexities on the grounds. Those professionals with Haitian background, and western education, are scattered across the globe and formed the so-called Haitian Diaspora. Their inclusion into the process will facilitate the path of the development with a rapid growth and sustainability of the country for its future generation.
The alliance of democracy and development needs “not new members but also a new purpose”, stated political pundits. This alliance can no longer be just a protective arm of one around the other ones’ shoulder, it also has to be a way for both to work together to construct a strong international system.
Pierre R.Charleus
York University,Canada.
Pierre.r.charleus@gmail.com
Foot notes 1-James Traub (The Freedom Agenda: Why America Must Spread Democracy (Just Not the Way George Bush Did 2- 1977). Power and Interdependence: World Politics in Transition 3- www.cida.gc.ca key word Haiti-CIDA -funded projects (http://www.acdicida.gc.ca/cidaweb/cpo.nsf/fWebCSAZEn?ReadForm&idx=00&CC=HT) 4-Andre Gunter Frank (The Development of Underdevelopment, 1966, MRP) 5-Faux nationalist (My personal view of Haitian politicians. The Political argument always based on nationalism while most of them carry a double nationality) 6 In 1986 Baby doc Jean C.Duvalier has left Haiti after violent protests ending a 30yrs ruling between himself and his father Papa Doc. 7 Health: A right for all, the challenge of Haiti. Report published by W.H.O in 2002.
Sunday, July 18, 2010
In the aftermath of the earthquake in haiti
6 months after the Earthquake:The International community promised 5.9billions us to support efforts for recontruction in Haiti.Only 3 countries partially donated.Take the pole:How do you assess the situation on the ground in Haiti.Please response
Friday, April 23, 2010
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